
If the authors' prospect-theory framing is correct, then any public US government claim of AGI progress — including commercial announcements from OpenAI or Anthropic that Pyongyang's analysts might interpret as dual-use — could compress North Korean decision timelines without any deliberate military signal from Washington.
That places the State Department's public diplomacy on AI and the Commerce Department's export control narrative in an unintended role: each statement about US AI leadership that is designed to deter China simultaneously feeds the threat perception in Pyongyang that Webster and Corrado say is the actual trigger.
INDOPACOM planners and the NSC's deterrence staff face a signaling problem the authors identify precisely: North Korea's hair-trigger posture means the danger window opens on Pyongyang's perception timeline, not Washington's deployment timeline.
Webster and Corrado argue that non-AGI nuclear powers facing a perceived AGI gap are more likely to respond with aggression than to pursue survivability or arms control, which forecloses the diplomatic off-ramps that US Korea policy has historically relied on.
The article does not specify a trigger date, but the authors note that key AI breakthroughs may be a business cycle or more away, which puts the perception risk inside the current decade.
Do US intelligence assessments of North Korean nuclear doctrine already account for Pyongyang's perception of the US-China AI race, or does the IC treat DPRK nuclear posture as driven solely by conventional military balance?
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